Μια φορά κι έναν καιρό ήταν ένας ποταμός

Παραμύθι απ´ την Ινδία


Μια φορά κι έναν καιρό ένας ποταμός έτρεχε ήρεμα πάνω στην καλοβολεμένη από λάσπη κοίτη του. Τα νερά του ήταν θολά και μέσα τους ζούσαν βαριά και μολυβένια ψάρια, απ' αυτά που αναζητούν την τροφή τους στη λάσπη.
Επειδή ήταν ρηχός, κανένας δεν είχε την ιδέα να κάνει γέφυρα και έτσι όλοι αρκούνταν στο να ρίχνουν μέσα του μερικές μεγάλες πέτρες και να «σχεδιάζουν» δρόμους, που μόλις βρέχονταν από τα ήρεμα και αργά νερά.
Τα ζώα του δάσους τον περνούσαν στα μέρη που ήταν λιγότερο βαθιά, ανακατεύοντας τα σπλάχνα του με τα πόδια τους. Για να πιούν νερό πήγαιναν στη κοντινή λίμνη, γιατί τα νερά του ποταμού ήταν σκοτεινά και δύσοσμα.
Αλλά μια μέρα ο Θεός Ίντρα, που όλα τα βλέπει, λυπήθηκε τον δαίμονα του ποταμού, γιατί χωρίς να είναι χαζός, ενεργούσε σαν τέτοιος, έτσι που ήταν παγιδευμένος, ναρκωμένος από την αδράνεια και το βόλεμα. Είχε συνηθίσει να πατούν το σώμα του, που ήταν υγρό και δύσοσμο και γλοιώδες σαν νεκρό φίδι. 
Με το πέρασμα του χρόνου, ο ποταμός είχε βολευτεί με τους εύκολους δρόμους και απόφευγε τις απότομες διαδρομές.
Είχε γίνει άσχημος, μουγγός και οι όμορφες νεράιδες και τα ξωτικά των ακτών δεν τον πλησίαζαν ούτε καν τις νύχτες με πανσέληνο, για να φτιάξουν τους μαγικούς καθρέφτες τους.
Ένας από τους υπηρέτες του Ιντρα στέγνωσε τη γη μπροστά του και την ανύψωσε με τέτοιο τρόπο που τον ανάγκασε να εκτραπεί.
Ο ποταμός στην αρχή φοβήθηκε, άρχισε ν' αναστενάζει, αλλά γρήγορα ανακάλυψε την ηδονή του να πηδάει πάνω από τους βράχους, και μ' ένα μουγκρητό άρχισε να ισοπεδώνει δέντρα και ν' ανοίγει δρόμους, πηδώντας πάνω από αβύσσους και ορμώντας ενάντια σε τρομερούς βράχους. 
Το νερό του έγινε καθαρό, αφού φιλτραριζόταν μέσα από την άμμο και τις πέτρες. Η κοίτη του έγινε πέτρινη και μερικές φορές μεταλλική και έλαμπαν οι φλέβες μέσα του. Από τα σπλάχνα του, που πρώτα ήταν σκοτεινά και κατηφή, γεννήθηκε ο άσπρος αφρός, γιατί η ασπράδα δεν εμφανίζεται, αν δεν υπάρχει μάχη, αν δεν υπάρχει εξαγνισμός.
Το ποτάμι γέμισε τότε με χρωματιστά ψάρια, απ' αυτά που ανεβαίνουν στα βουνά και οι καθαρές λιμνούλες που άφηνε στα πλάγια του, στολισμένες με τρομερούς βράχους, έγιναν η απόλαυση των Στοιχείων των νερών. Με την ιριδένια ανταύγεια των άστρων έκαναν οι Νύμφες τα μαγικά τους χτένια και έβγαλαν τους μαγικούς καθρέφτες από το βυθό των λιμνών.
Οι άνθρωποι δεν μπορούσαν πια να τον πατήσουν, αλλά ύψωσαν θριαμβευτικές αψίδες πάνω του, που τις ονόμασαν γέφυρες. Τα ζώα τον διέσχιζαν κολυμπώντας και ύστερα σχολίαζαν τη δύναμη του ποταμού. Στο τέλος όταν έφτασε στη θάλασσα, τον υποδέχτηκαν με χειροκροτήματα τα άλλα νερά, που αγκαλιαζόντουσαν με τα δικά του, φωνάζοντας από χαρά.

Και βλέποντας όλα αυτά και πολλά ακόμα, που δεν σας διηγούμαι, σκέφτομαι τους πολλούς ανθρώπους που δεν χρησιμοποιούν τις δυνατότητές τους, τις ευκαιρίες τους και εξακολουθούν να είναι αργοί ποταμοί και λασπώδεις, χωρίς ανδρεία και χωρίς δόξα.

η απόφαση


Εἶστε ὑπὲρ ἢ κατά;
Ἔστω ἀπαντεῖστε μ᾿ ἕνα ναὶ ἢ μ᾿ ἕνα ὄχι.
Τὸ ἔχετε τὸ πρόβλημα σκεφτεῖ
Πιστεύω ἀσφαλῶς πὼς σᾶς βασάνισε
Τὰ πάντα βασανίζουν στὴ ζωὴ
Παιδιὰ γυναῖκες ἔντομα
Βλαβερὰ φυτὰ χαμένες ὦρες
Δύσκολα πάθη χαλασμένα δόντια
Μέτρια φίλμς. Κι αὐτὸ σᾶς βασάνισε ἀσφαλῶς.
Μιλᾶτε ὑπεύθυνα λοιπόν. Ἔστω μὲ ναὶ ἢ ὄχι.
Σὲ σᾶς ἀνήκει ἡ ἀπόφαση.
Δὲ σᾶς ζητοῦμε πιὰ νὰ πάψετε
Τὶς ἀσχολίες σας νὰ διακόψετε τὴ ζωή σας
Τὶς προσφιλεῖς ἐφημερίδες σας· τὶς συζητήσεις
Στὸ κουρεῖο· τὶς Κυριακές σας στὰ γήπεδα.
Μιὰ λέξη μόνο. Ἐμπρὸς λοιπόν:
Εἶστε ὑπὲρ ἢ κατά;
Σκεφθεῖτε το καλά. Θὰ περιμένω.
Μανόλης Αναγνωστάκης

Γιατί "έφυγαν" Σαμαράς-Βενιζέλος; Τί άφησαν πίσω;

Οι υποχρεώσεις της Ελλάδας Ιούν.-Δεκ. 2015 (Διαδραστική σελίδα των FT)

Still due (Υπόλοιπο οφειλόμενο)
€18,668m
Repaid (Καταβληθέν)
Creditors (Πιστωτές)

JUN
30
1,544
JUL
10
2,000
JUL
13
452
JUL
17
1,000
JUL
20
2,096
JUL
20
1,361
JUL
20
25
AUG
7
1,000
AUG
20
3,020
AUG
20
168
SEP
4
301
SEP
4
1,400
SEP
14
339
SEP
16
565
SEP
21
339
OCT
9
1,400
OCT
13
452
DEC
7
301
DEC
16
565
DEC
21
339

Οι εταίροι μας (Γερμανία, Αυστρία) κλείνουν τις Τράπεζες στην Ελλάδα, αλλά επενδύουν στους BRICS

Ufa ready to host BRICS and SCO summits - republic's head to RT

Reuters / Ueslei MarcelinoPublished time: June 26, 2015 07:40

Russia’s Bashkortostan is ready to host the 7th BRICS summit and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in the capital Ufa, the republic's president Rustem Khamitov told RT. It’s hoped the events will bring the region to a new level, he said.

Ufa is expecting 10,000 visitors during the two summits in early July,said Khamitov at the St. Petersburg Economic Forum.
The region was ready for the summits about a month ago. A lack of modern hotels was our weak point, Khamitov said, adding that private investors managed to construct seven leading brand hotels, like Sheraton, Hilton and Holiday Inn during the last two years.
"The heads of states and provinces will arrive bringing with them about 10-20 representatives of small and medium enterprises each. We will introduce them to each other, formalize this platform, work out the plan and open new ground,"Khamitov said.
The BRICS and SCO summits will take place on July 8-10 in Ufa. Russia expects the BRICS summit to trigger off the $100 billion BRICS New Development Bank and a currency reserve pool worth another $100 billion, said President Vladimir Putin in May.

The member countries are also likely to discuss the IMF reform that should expand the decision-making abilities of developing countries, and the possibility of creating an independent BRICS rating agency. Russia assumed the BRICS rotating leadership in April 2015.
Khamitov says the BRICS and SCO summits will be a favorable environment for making new business deals and strengthening economic ties across the region. The republic of Bashkortostan represents certain interests among foreign entrepreneurs and attracts investment, Khamitov added.
"At present foreign investors participate in several big projects. These are investors from Austria, Germany and China," he said. "Chinese investors are involved in the construction of an iron and steel plant and of a heavy oilfield equipment manufacturing plant. This is very good. I’m hoping the amount of foreign investment will increase. Today this amount is relatively small – no more than 5-7%, but we are hoping to reach the level of 10-15%."
Chinese investors are particularly interested in the republic’s agricultural sector and are currently involved in joint projects to construct a sugar factory and a plant producing rapeseed oil, he said.
The member countries of BRICS and SCO are interested in the region’s industrial production as well.“For instance, India buys helicopter and aircraft engines from a plant in Ufa, and the Indian government plans to build and affiliated branch in its country,” Khamitov said.
Foreign trade with Bashkortostan is estimated at $15 billion, of which only one billion, or 7.5 percent, is with the SCO countries. The republic’s government wants to double this figure within 3 to 4 years, and it could be achieved through improving relations with BRICS and SCO economies, Khamitov concluded.

Τις δυσκολίες των βουνών τις ξεπεράσαμε

Τώρα μας περιμένουν

οι δυσκολίες των πεδιάδων.

Όταν ο ´´ελάσσων´´ κ. Γιουνκέρ ψεύδεται και ο λαός εκβιάζεται στα πεζοδρόμια των τραπεζών

Εν τω μεταξύ non paper από το Μέγαρο Μαξίμου εξηγεί τα σημεία στα οποία -σύμφωνα με τους συνεργάτες του πρωθυπουργού- ο πρόεδρος της Κομισιόν Ζαν Κλωντ Γιούνκερ δίνει λάθος πληροφορίες σχετικά με την ενημέρωση της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης στους πολίτες.
1. "Δεν υπάρχουν περικοπές συντάξεων" στην πρόταση των θεσμών, υποστηρίζει ο κ. Γιουνκέρ. Δήλωση που προκάλεσε την αντίδραση ακόμα και -του γνωστού για τις απόψεις του- Πήτερ Σπίγκελ: "Συγγνώμη, αυτό δεν είναι αλήθεια", έγραψε, ενώ σε ένα ακόμα tweet σημείωσε ότι "η πρόταση των πιστωτών προβλέπει το κόψιμο του ΕΚΑΣ ως τον Δεκέμβριο του 2019: Αυτό είναι περικοπή συντάξεων ανεξαρτήτως του τι λέει ο Γιουνκέρ".
Η πρόταση της Κομισιόν και βέβαια προβλέπει περικοπή συντάξεων. Πού αλλού οδηγούν άλλωστε τα μέτρα που προτείνουν; Αυτά είναι:
· α. "Σταδιακή εξάλειψη του ΕΚΑΣ για όλους τους συνταξιούχους έως τα τέλη Δεκεμβρίου 2019".
· β. Αύξηση των εισφορών υγείας "που πληρώνουν οι συνταξιούχοι σε 6% κατά μέσο όρο, και αυτό θα επεκταθεί στις επικουρικές συντάξεις".
· γ. "Όλα τα επικουρικά ταμεία θα χρηματοδοτούνται μόνο εξ ιδίων πόρων", εφαρμογή δηλαδή της ρήτρας μηδενικού ελλείμματος, που ουσιαστικά θα εξαφανίσει τις επικουρικές συντάξεις. ("από την 1η Ιανουαρίου 2015, όλα τα επικουρικά ταμεία θα χρηματοδοτούνται μόνο εξ ιδίων πόρων")
· δ. "Ένα πρώτο πακέτο μέτρων θα υιοθετηθεί αμέσως, στοχεύοντας στο 1% του ΑΕΠ από την επιπλέον ετήσια εξοικονόμηση από το 2016". Τι σημαίνει 1% στο ΑΕΠ; Περισσότερα από 1,8 δισ. ευρώ το 2016 θα περικοπούν από συντάξεις και ασφαλιστικό σύστημα, προκειμένου να πάνε στην εξυπηρέτηση του χρέους.
· ε. Ακόμα, η πρόταση των θεσμών προβλέπει "να υπάρξει ένας πιο στενός σύνδεσμος ανάμεσα στις εισφορές και τις παροχές", (χωρίς κρατική ενίσχυση) ,δηλαδή και άλλες μειώσεις συντάξεων.
· στ. Τέλος, οι θεσμοί ζητούν "να καταργηθούν όλες οι εισφορές υπέρ τρίτων που χρηματοδοτούν τα ασφαλιστικά ταμεία", που συνεπάγεται μείωση των εσόδων των ταμείων πάνω από 700 εκ. ευρώ ετησίως.
ΚΑΙ:
("παρέχουν στα άτομα που συνταξιοδοτούνται μετά τις 30 Ιουνίου 2015 μόνο τη βασική, εγγυημένη, αναλογική και στη βάση ελέγχου των πόρων σύνταξη, μετά τη συμπλήρωση του νομίμου ορίου συνταξιοδότησης, που σήμερα είναι στα 67 έτη")
2. Οι θεσμοί, είπε ο κ. Γιουνκέρ, "επιμένουν σε κοινωνικά δίκαια μέτρα". Ποια είναι αυτά τα… κοινωνικά μέτρα:
- Την κατάργηση των επιδοτήσεων για το πετρέλαιο θέρμανσης.
- Την κατάργηση του Ειδικού Φόρου Κατανάλωσης στο πετρέλαιο κίνησης των αγροτών.
- Τη μείωση του ποσού των 1.500 ευρώ και την κατάργηση του ανώτατου ορίου 25% στις κατασχέσεις τραπεζικών λογαριασμών για χρέη στην εφορία.
- Την αύξηση του επιτοκίου που εφαρμόζεται στο πρόγραμμα ρύθμισης οφειλών.
3. Ως προς τον ΦΠΑ οι θεσμοί επιμένουν για:
· 23% σε εστίαση και ξενοδοχεία [υποχώρησαν ως προς τα ξενοδοχεία στο 13% μετά από συνεχείς πιέσεις]
· 13% μόνο για τα πολύ βασικά τρόφιμα, την ενέργεια και το νερό
· Κατάργηση του μειωμένου ΦΠΑ σε όλα τα νησιά
4. Ποτέ δεν δόθηκε/δεν υπήρξε τελεσίγραφο. Και όμως, ο πρόεδρος του Eurogroup κ. Γερούν 
Ντάισελμπλουμ στις δηλώσεις του σαφέστατα είπε ότι εκπνέει η προθεσμία για την Αθήνα.
5. Να σημειωθεί τέλος ότι αυτή καθ’ αυτή η συμφωνία δεν λύνει κανένα πρόβλημα. Κάθε μήνα θα υπάρχει αξιολόγηση, ενώ σε πέντε μήνες όλα θα ξαναρχίσουν από την αρχή! Καμιά προοπτική, λοιπόν, δεν διαφαίνεται αν υπάρξει αυτή η συμφωνία, που "ξεχνά" ότι υπάρχει και ένα τεράστιο χρέος προς ρύθμιση. Θα είναι ένα συμβόλαιο μόνιμης και "νόμιμης" ομηρίας της χώρας.

Greece woes show how the politics of debt failed Europe

Greece woes show how the politics of debt failed Europe | nsnbc international

Theo Papadopoulos (TC) : In the world of brinkmanship, endgames and last minute concessions that have come to define Greece’s relationship with Europe, we can see the blueprint of an abusive relationship.
Athens is the epicentre of a dangerous relationship. Simela Pantartzi/EPA, CC BY
Athens is the epicentre of a dangerous relationship.Simela Pantartzi/EPA, CC BY
In his book Governing by Debt, Maurizio Lazzarato argues that the creditor-debtor centred politics of contemporary capitalism is substantially different from the capital-labour centred politics of post-war capitalism. In fact, to understand what is at stake in contemporary Europe we need to approach debt in its totality – government, corporate, financial and household debt. We have to recognise that the debt relationship is not merely an economic relationship of money owed and collected, but a deeply political relationship of power exercised by one person or institution over another.
Consider the following graph. It shows the total debt by sector in selected EU countries at the end of 2014.
Data from McKinneyGlobalInstitute (2015)
Data from McKinneyGlobalInstitute (2015)
A continent sinking under debt
When debt is seen in its totality a different picture emerges from the one usually portrayed by the media. The total debts of the Netherlands and Ireland are nearly seven times their GDP, Denmark’s is 5.5 times and the UK’s more than four times. How sustainable in the long run are the levels of non-government debt in these countries? Is the exceptionally low exposure of the Greek financial sector to debt an indicator that its liabilities have been disguised as Greek government debt? And how sustainable is household debt?
Years of austerity have resulted in European families sinking under debt while experiencing increasing job insecurity, reductions in pensions and the gradual privatisation of welfare services and education.
These different types of debt are not independent from one other. They are mutually constitutive. Behind them are numerous creditor-debtor relations between actors with often diametrically opposed interests and unequal power: states, corporations, banks, financial institutions, small businesses, voters.
This “system” of European debt interacts with a global financial architecture, dominated by the demands of the financial sector. Far from being prudent, this sector is itself exposed to colossal amounts of debt-related risk, endangering all other sectors.
Banking dangers
Consider the following numbers. According to a recent Bank of England report, the global aggregate amount of derivatives – once described by Warren Buffet as “financial weapons of mass destruction” – was estimated to be £500 trillion; at least ten times the planet’s GDP. Deutsche Bank’s exposure to the market alone was an estimated $54 trillion, about 20 times Germany’s GDP. To give a degree of measure: the total Greek debt is a mere 0.5% of this amount.
So far, the dominant narrative has presented the debt problem to the European citizens as primarily a problem of sovereign (government) debt. At the national level, debt is supposed to be cured by continuous doses of austerity. At the EU level, austerity has been constitutionalised as the only economic policy option available to elected governments. Within this context, further financialisation of the European economy and securitisation of sovereign debt – essentially packaging debt for sale – are promoted as solutions. However, as Lazzarato described:
The securitisation of public debt is the instrument for an immense transfer of wealth from wage-earners and the population toward financial investors. Since the start of the crisis, Europe has thus gone from an average public debt of 66.55% of GDP in 2007 to 90.5% in 2012, allowing creditors to get rich off the interest … Public debt has enabled the recovery and expansion of financial markets.
‘Pious nonsense’
The impact of the politics of debt is well documented: rising levels of unemployment, especially for the young, proliferation of precarious employment, household indebtedness, income inequality, scandalous wealth concentration and stagnating economic growth. More alarmingly, austerity has given rise to social and political polarisation, fuelling the rhetoric of xenophobia and fear. Hardly an inspiring vision for Europe.
How much credibility remains in this politics? Lets take the case of Greece. The Financial Times’ leading commentator Martin Wolf recently argued that “the vast bulk of the official loans to Greece were not made for its benefit at all, but for that of its feckless private creditors”, that is, primarily, European banks and financial institutions. After exposing the futility of austerity, ex-IMF economic advisor Jeffrey Sachsrecently declared: “Europe’s leaders are hiding behind a mountain of pious, nonsensical rhetoric” risking an economic and social disaster “in order to insist on collecting some crumbs from the country’s pensioners”.
Describing the treatment of Greece as “the Iraq War of finance”, Daily Telegraph’s Ambrose Evans-Pritchard wrote: “rarely in modern times have we witnessed such a display of petulance and bad judgement by those supposed to be in charge of global financial stability.”
Hope and glory
“Whoever equates Europe with the euro has already given up on Europe,” proclaimed the late German sociologist Urlich Beck. From Paris to Athens, from Dublin to Brussels, from London to Madrid, the European political classes are challenged to “side with their citizens” in re-orienting their national economy towards another Europe, worthy of its values. We need a new politics of hope that will, ultimately, reaffirm that democratic European states are accountable to European citizens and serve the public good. Not simply the demands of one sector of the economy.
With all their limitations, it was representative democracy and welfare state capitalism that brought peace, stability and prosperity in Europe; not banks, stock exchanges and unregulated markets. Most certainly, it was the commitment that nations should not service punitive amounts of debt that destroy their social cohesion and economic development. That was the great lesson of the 1953 London Treaty that cancelled nearly half of postwar Germany’s debt.
The politics of debt has failed the European people. Time to heal Europe and bring back hope to the continent.
Theo Papadopoulos, The Conversation    –    Theo Papadopoulos is Lecturer, Department of Social and Policy Sciences at University of Bath.

Το ΔΝΤ μετράει τις Οικονομικές Επιδόσεις μας (του)

 Table 1. – Economic Performance Indicators, 2014
Source: IMF

Οι πολίτες της Ευρώπης προσΥπογράφουμε !



Sign the Europe-wide petition to Cancel Greek Debt


Greece: Drop the debt, Break the chains

The petition:
We, the citizens of countries across Europe, call for:
  • A European conference to agree debt cancellation for Greece and other countries that need it, informed by debt audits and funded by recovering money from the banks and financial speculators who were the real beneficiaries of bailouts.
  • An end to the enforcing of austerity policies that are causing injustice and poverty in Europe and across the world.
  • The creation of UN rules to deal with government debt crises promptly, fairly and with respect for human rights, and to signal to the banks and financiers that we won’t keep bailing them out for reckless lending.

Διαδραστικός χάρτης παγκοσμίου χρέους

Our interactive view of debt across the planet • Jubilee Debt Campaign UK

και η ανάλυση για την ΕΛΛΑΔΑ:


Greece

Debt statistics 2012

Overall international debt burden (% of GDP)123
Government payments on foreign debt (% of revenue)32.5
Government foreign debt (% of GDP)178
Private foreign debt (% of GDP)55
IMF and World Bank debt cancellation ($ billions)0
Country case studiesYes

Country case study

The Greek government was lent large amounts from foreign banks in the 1990s and 2000s in order to buy exports from countries such as Germany. This fuelled an economic boom, though did nothing to reduce unemployment. The global financial crisis increased the loans as the Greek government had to cope with a fall in revenues and rise in spending, whilst foreign banks looked to lend to governments as a supposed safe haven. By 2010,Greece could not afford to pay its debts, but rather than defaulting – which would have caused further problems for foreign banks – the EU and IMF gave bailout loans. These have effectively paid off much of the reckless lenders, whilst leaving Greece even more indebted. Austerity and huge debt payments have crashed the economy, with unemployment and poverty exploding.
As with many countries in Africa and Latin America, the Greek government’s large debt was initially created during the oil price spikes on the 1970s. In the 1980s the economy stagnated with an unemployment rate of over 7 per cent.
From the mid-1990s the economy began to boom as large amounts were lent from European banks for Greece to buy imports from countries in the core such as Germany. This process intensified with the adoption of the Euro in 2001. However, despite the high economic growth, unemployment remained high.
Unlike other European crisis in countries, in Greece the main borrower was the government. Government foreign-owed debt was already a very high 75 per cent of GDP in 2003, the year figures were first recorded. It continued growing to over 90 per cent of GDP by 2007.
Banks in countries such as Germany were lending the Greek government the money for Greece to buy exports from other European countries. One key area of expenditure was the military.  Between 2000 and 2007, Greece’s government military spending was 3 per cent of GDP (almost 8 per cent of government revenue), the highest amount for any European country, though not as high as the US.[1] Large borrowing was also undertaken to fund the Athens Olympic games in 2004, with costs continually increasing on initially stated estimates.
Between 1990 and 2011 the three largest suppliers of arms to the Greek government were companies from the United States ($17 billion), Germany ($8 billion) and France ($3 billion).[2] Furthermore, up to eight arms deals signed by the Greek government since the late 1990s are being investigated by judicial authorities for possible illegal bribes and kickbacks to state officials and politicians.[3]
The Greek government hid the true amount of its debt in various ways. In one infamous case, in 2002 the US bank Goldman Sachs created specific derivatives to keep debt off the books and hidden from the Greek people and EU rules.[4]
When the global financial crisis began in 2008, lending to Greece increased to help the country cope with the impact of lower tax revenues and the need for higher government spending. Foreign banks were particularly keen to lend to governments such as Greece, because governments were now seen as safe compared to their fellow banks. By the start of 2010, French banks had lent the Greek government and banks $53.5 billion, German banks $36.8 billion and British banks $12 billion.[5]
In the Spring of 2010, lenders began to finally lose confidence in the ability of the Greek government to pay its debts. The interest rate at which the Greek government could borrow shot-up. The government admitted that it could no longer afford to make debt payments, but rather than defaulting, it took bailout loans from the IMF and EU. These new loans were used to pay-off the reckless banks, whilst keeping and increasing the Greek debt. By early 2013, the EU and IMF had lent $290 billion amounting to 65 per cent of the Greek government’s foreign-owed debt.
The IMF and EU loans included major austerity measures and other economic changes, such as widespread privatisation. The economy has continued to crash, falling by more than 20 per cent since 2007. One-in-four people are unemployed, with one-in-two young people out of work. By 2012, the economy was 12 per cent smaller than the IMF and EU said it would be at the start of the bailout and austerity programme, and unemployment was 25 per cent rather than 15 per cent.[6]
In 2011 the IMF, EU and lenders accepted that the debt was too big, and negotiations began between the Greek government and private lenders to reduce the amount of debt they were owed. A deal was finally reached in March 2012, which reduced the amount of debt owed to private creditors by around 75 per cent.
However, this did not cover any of the debt owed to the IMF and EU. It treated Greek and foreign creditors the same, making big cuts to Greek pension funds and banks, necessitating more bailouts and thereby more debt for the Greek government. And the deal still meant that lenders got back more money than if they had sold their debt on the market. Overall, Greek government foreign owed debt actually shot-up in 2012 as the government took on more bailout loans to in turn bailout Greek banks, to have a guaranteed pot of money with which to keep paying the remaining private debt, and because the economy kept crashing.
Furthermore, over the previous couple of years, vulture funds had bought up Greek debt at cheap prices from lenders who feared a default. They specifically targeted debt issued under British and Swiss law, rather than Greek. Whilst the Greek government made all holders of Greek-law bonds comply with the write-down, they were powerless to do the same for the British and Swiss law bonds. The vulture funds have continued to be paid in full, making extortionate profits on debt they bought cheaply. In addition, those bondholders who did write-down the amount they were owed insisted that the new bonds are issued under British law, giving them more powers to sue Greece if the government does default in the future.
In Greece today, 11 per cent of the population are classed as living in ‘extreme material deprivation’ – otherwise known as extreme poverty. This includes not being able to afford a decent diet, sufficient heating or electricity or to meet emergency expenses. The Church of Greece now distributes 250,000 daily rations of food, with unknown numbers of rations from local councils and NGOs. There has been a rising incidence of children fainting in school due to low calorie intake. One-in-four people are unemployed, with one-in-two young people out of work.
There has been widespread resistance to the destruction of Greek society in the name of debt. Thousands of people mobilised around a citizens debt audit, exposing the countless ways banks and the governments had created the crisis. Strikes and protests have been continually held. In 2012, Syrzia came second in parliamentary elections, standing on a platform of holding an official debt audit and renegotiating the size of the debt, despite threats from other EU countries if Greeks voted for the party. Instead, a coalition of former ruling parties was formed, and the crisis in Greece has intensified.
Just as in Latin America and Africa in the 1980s and 1990s, Greek livelihoods and lives are being destroyed in the name of paying off debts to reckless lenders.

[1] World Bank. World Development Indicators database.
[2] Figures from Slijper, F. (2013). Guns, debt and corruption. Military spending and the EU crisis.http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/eu_milspending_crisis.pdf but converted from 1990 constant dollars to 2010 constant dollars.
[3] Slijper, F. (2013). Guns, debt and corruption. Military spending and the EU crisis.http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/eu_milspending_crisis.pdf
[6] IMF and EU original predictions from http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2010/cr10110.pdf